The Big Bang Theory of Civil Rights
by Larry Elder

It Didn't Start With Martin

Ignorance of history corrupts today's debate over "civil rights."

Leaders cry for continued affirmative action, set-asides, race-based admissions, and other programs in order to "level the playing field."

But well before the 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education case or any of the landmark civil rights legislation of the mid-60s, blacks made tremendous social, political and economic progress. Blacks went from near illiteracy following emancipation to nearly 70% literacy a few decades later. So many blacks voted in the twenties, thirties, and forties, that many politicians, especially Northerners, had to take into consideration the interest of black voters to get elected.

Economist Tom Sowell writes that, contrary to popular belief, the pace of black income growth did not increase following the enactment of the civil rights legislation and of affirmative action policies.

The income gap between the average black man and the average white man began to narrow well before the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and today black college-educated professional women now out-earn their white counterparts by nearly 10%.

Here's the way the game works. Proponents of affirmative action like to quote Martin Luther King. His writings do, in fact, suggest support of something like affirmative action:

"Whenever the issue of compensatory treatment for the Negro is raised, some of our friends recoil in horror. The Negro should be granted equality, they agree; but he should ask nothing more. On the surface, this appears reasonable, but it is not realistic," and "...Now there is another myth that still gets around; it is a kind of over reliance on the bootstrap philosophy. There are those who still feel that if the Negro is to rise out of poverty, if the Negro is to rise out of slum conditions, if he is to rise out of discrimination and segregation, he must do it all by himself. And so they say the Negro must lift himself by his own bootstraps.

"They never stop to realize that no other ethnic group has been a slave on American soil. The people who say this never stop to realize that the nation made the black man's color a stigma; but beyond this they never stop to realize that they owe a people who were kept in slavery 244 years."

Strongly dissenting, however, from this "you owe us" view, was Booker T. Washington. His important autobiography, Up From Slavery, was published in 1900, a mere 35 years after emancipation. For historical perspective, think of slavery having ended in 1962, and the book having been published today.

Note the following passages make no reference to government obligations, guilt, racism, or special privilege: "In those days, and later as a young man, I used to try to picture in my imagination the feelings and ambitions of a white boy with absolutely no limit placed upon his aspirations and activities. I used to envy the white boy who had no obstacles placed in the way of his becoming a Congressman, Governor, Bishop, or President by reason of the accident of his birth or race. I used to picture the way that I would act under such circumstances; how I would begin at the bottom and keep rising until I reached the highest round of success.

"In later years, I confess that I do not envy the white boy as I once did. I have learned that success is to be measured not so much by the position that one has reached in life as by the obstacles which he has overcome while trying to succeed. Looked at from this standpoint, I almost reach the conclusion that often the Negro boy's birth and connection with an unpopular race is an advantage, so far as real life is concerned. With few exceptions, the Negro youth must work harder and must perform his tasks even better than a white youth in order to secure recognition. But out of the hard and unusual struggle through which he is compelled to pass, he gets a strength, a confidence, that one misses whose pathway is comparatively smooth by reason of birth and race.

"From any point of view, I had rather be what I am, a member of the Negro race, than be able to claim membership with the most favored of any other race. I have always been made sad when I have heard members of any race claiming rights and privileges, or certain badges of distinction, on the ground simply that they were members of this or that race, regardless of their own individual worth or attainments. I have been made to feel sad for such persons because I am conscious of the fact that mere connection with what is known as a superior race will not permanently carry an individual forward unless he has individual worth, and mere connection with what is regarded as an inferior race will not finally hold an individual back if he possesses intrinsic, individual merit. Every persecuted individual and race should get much consolation out of the great human law, which is universal and eternal, that merit, no matter under what skin found, is, in the long run, recognized and rewarded. This I have said here, not to call attention to myself as an individual, but to the race to which I am proud to belong.

He goes on: "...When a Negro girl learns to cook, to wash dishes, to sew, to write a book, or a Negro boy learns to groom horses, or to grow sweet potatoes, or to produce butter, or to build a house, or to be able to practice medicine, as well or better than some one else, they will be rewarded regardless of race or color. In the long run, the world is going to have the best, and any difference in race, religion, or previous history will not long keep the world from what it wants.

"I think that the whole future of my race hinges on the question as to whether or not it can make itself of such indispensable value that the people in the town and the state where we reside will feel that our presence is necessary to the happiness and well-being of the community. No man who continues to add something to the material, intellectual, and moral well-being of the place in which he lives is long left without proper reward. This is a great human law which cannot be permanently nullified."

In short, two good hard hours of homework every night makes the debate over affirmative action a non-event.

Yet people seldom quote Washington, whose writings are every bit as profound and compelling as Dr. King's "I have a dream" speech.

Washington was born a slave, but was freed upon emancipation at age 9. He was raised in a one-room cabin with a dirt floor. He taught himself to read, and later worked in a salt furnace. His father would not allow him to attend school, arguing that he needed to work.

Washington learned of a special school for blacks, and wanted to go, but his father would not let him leave the salt furnace. So Washington convinced a teacher to teach him at night. He later attended Hampton Institute, where he worked as a janitor to pay his $10-a-month boarding fee.

Martin Luther King, by contrast, grew up middle-class. Washington was a slave-turned-poor-freedman.

Think a contemporary Booker T. Washington would have much stomach for set-asides, race-based admissions, the race card, or Ebonics? Me neither.

Larry Elder


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